The Patient Scholar
Reflections on Learning and Teaching
Tue, 18 Nov 2003
I had a chat with Dan Levin the other day about my draft
introduction. He pointed out that I had a great question, but no
thesis, i.e., I had stated no point or purpose to the question. In
this case, I had not stated what I expected to find in answer to my
question.
Gerald Levin, in the Macmillan College Handbook (2d
ed.) describes the thesis as “the central idea of a piece of writing.”
He is careful to distinguish the thesis from a statement of intention
or a statement of subject. It is rather the statement of purpose for
the paper; in the case of a research proposal, a statement of what I
intend to prove.
What is my thesis then? Peri has suggested a three-pronged
approach to the question “Why does the LDS Church exercise political
power?”: 1) describing an LDS political philosophy; 2) describing a
rational actor explanation; and 3) describing a Foucaultian
explanation. Surely though I must have suspicions about which
explanation will be best, and the purpose of the dissertation
ultimately, but also the thesis of the proposal, is that I intend to
demonstrate that one is better than the others, and if it is note,
discover why not.
The thesis in my study should be
approached in the same manner as the hypothesis of a more quantitative
study. I suggest a (hypo)thesis to test and test it.
So, my question is “Why does the church exercise political power?”
and my thesis is “The church exercises political power because of a
highly developed political philosophy. This philosophy permits the
church to at once claim to believe in a total separation of church and
state on the one hand, and on the other exercise political power, both
externally and internally, in the pursuit of very specific policy ends.”
In order to prove, or disprove, the thesis I will avail myself of
alternative modes of explanation: 1) attempt to tease out from
statements of church leaders, official documents, and scripture, a
political philosophy such as I have described above; 2) attempt to
construct a rational actor explanation; and 3) attempt to construct a
Foucaultian, disciplinary explanation.
Fri, 07 Nov 2003
Last night was the fourth annual Dalmas H. Nelson Lecture on Public
Law and Ethics. Dr. Terry Cooper from USC was the speaker.
Dr. Cooper is the author of The Responsible
Administrator, a book I read and reviewed for Ted Hebert’s
administrative practice class (oh, so long ago now).
Dr. Cooper’s purpose in the lecture was to identify some “big
questions” in administrative ethics. The first of his big questions
is the one that is most interesting to me, and that is: “What are the
normative foundations for public administrative ethics?” This is an
especially important question, in light of the pluralistic world in
which we live.
As part of his discussion on the this search for a normative
foundation, Dr. Cooper suggested that one of the questions often asked
is “Whose ethics should we adopt?” Whose indeed? For example, in
Utah where 70% of the state’s population belongs to the LDS Church this decision may be
somewhat easier to make: let’s just all subscribe to the dominant
groups perception of what is ethical and what is not. Such a decision
essentially belittles other groups’ ethical constructs, and in fact is
an abdication of responsibility. As a profession, public
administrators should be deeply concerned about creating their own set
of professional ethics that can transcend individual ethics (though
not replace them) and serve as a common foundation upon which ethical
decisions can be constructed.
This notion appeals to me in that it requires us to look for those
elements that are common to all public administrators’ perceptions of
what is ethical behavior without raising one personal
standard of behavior above another. (Dr. Cooper also spoke of
learning from other administrators’ ethical practices; this reflection
on others’ actions is not the same as entering into a qualitative
judgement regarding the superiority of one ethical view over
another.)
The day after Dr. Cooper’s lecture, the local chapter of the
American Society for Public
Administration held a one-day conference on ethics. The morning
session picked up where Dr. Cooper had ended in his lecture the night
before, with questions and discussion on some of the issues he had
raised. One issue in particular has caused me some thought:
Dr. Cooper referred to “administrative courage” or the ability to
“speak truth to power” (a phrase borrowed from Aaron Wildavsky).
Administrative courage, or ethical courage, is the strength of
character necessary to inform those in positions of authority that
their actions are inappropriate, wrong, illegal, unethical, when such
actions occur, even at the risk of losing one’s job.
As an example, he discussed ethics training that he had given to a
police department, where he suggested to the officers that they turn
in their partners if these behaved inappropriately. As one might
suspect, the officers were reluctant to subscribe to such a course of
action, to which Dr. Cooper replied that he was simply asking them to
sacrifice their jobs, rather than their lives, which, he reminded them,
they had already sworn to do to uphold the laws.
But this is hard, isn’t it? Where can we find this type of
courage? The question is particularly pertinent when we think upon
those instances where public administrators have stood their ethical
ground and then suffered for it. Perhaps we can find some of that
courage in examining the lives of others, as Dr. Cooper suggested, and
by having a well-developed professional ethic to which we can
subscribe. And perhaps it can be found by engaging in profound and
honest self-reflection, where we examine our own motives and values
and reconcile them (or not) with our professional lives.
Tue, 04 Nov 2003
Religion has always been an integral part of the American political
experience. From the establishment of the first Puritan settlements
to the invocation of “God bless American” uttered so frequently by the
current president, religion and God have been familiar fixtures not
only in the church house, but also in the state house.
Nevertheless, there is a difference between the Puritan settlements of
old and today’s government “of the people, by the people, and for the
people.” While the Puritans made no distinction between community and
the kingdom of God on earth, the United States today is an ostensibly
secular state. While Jefferson’s “insurmountable wall” may not be
either as high or as solid as he might have wished, there are very
definite delimiters between state and church action; at least there
are in principle.
Practice is, of course often different that principle, and the
observation of practical limits between church and state function
reveals little that is brightly delineated. From the chief justice of
a state supreme court who refuses to remove a monument bearing the Ten
Commandments to the community church where candidates offer
sermon-like stump speeches, the division between church and state
becomes porous indeed.
And yet we have still before us the principled remains of Jefferson’s
wall. We have still the establishment clause. We have still the
appurtenances of secular state. And so generally we ask why
Jefferson’s wall has become (or perhaps has always been) so porous?
Why do Americans countenance such an intermingling of the secular
state with community of the faithful?
This is more of a sociological question than one properly pertaining
to political science. It does suggest questions more appropriate to
the discipline, however. Thus, we ask ourselves why churches
consciously choose to act politically? This question becomes even
more pertinent when the beliefs of certain churches regarding
government and God are viewed as part of the premise for church
action.
Specifically, let us examine the case of the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints. Members of the LDS Church accept as scripture the
following statement:
We believe that religion is instituted of God; … but we do not
believe that human law has a right to interfere in prescribing rules
of worship to bind the consciences of men, nor dictate forms for
public or private devotion… . (Doctrine and Covenants 134:4)
Perhaps even more clear (if possible) are these words from Joseph
F. Smith, president of the LDS Church from 1901 to 1918:
We declare that from principle and policy, we favor: The absolute
separation of church and state; No domination of the state by the
church; No church interference with the functions of the state; No
state interference with the functions of the church, or with the
free exercise of religion; the absolute freedom of the individual
from the domination of ecclesiastical authority in political
affairs; The equality of all churches before the law.
(Teachings of the Presidents of the Church: Joseph
F. Smith, 125)
The LDS Church accepts as a matter of doctrine the separation of
church and state. Why then does the Church choose to involve itself
politically in certain matters?
I have had such a hard time getting any work done. I have always
been more than happy to let other aspects of my life take precedence,
and to let my work languish on the vine, waiting for the time when I
will devote my efforts to it. I think I know why. I am afraid.
Why am I afraid? I am afraid because I don’t want to fail. This
seems rather paradoxical; after all, isn’t my failure assured if I
don’t do the work?
Of course it is. But my fear of failure has helped me construct,
though not completely concsiously, a way out of that conundrum. I am
busy; there is no hiding that; it is a fact. Most people don’t carry
a full-time job, don’t have a spouse and children, don’t try to
participate (more or less) in their church, and try to do
doctoral work at the same time. My fear tells me that if I fail, I
can use all of these other important commitments as my very
legitimate explanation for failure. I simply have too much to
do, and so cannot devote the time and energy necessary to my academic
work. Consciense clear, problem solved.
This logic is flawed, of course. There are other people who have
been in my situation, who are in my situation, or even worse,
and they have successfully completed equally difficult tasks. So why
can’t I?
Because I don’t want to lose face; I don’t want other people to
know that I’m not smart. I don’t want my committee to discover that
I’m not intellectually up to the challenge. And so I don’t work,
because I don’t want to fail, because I don’t want Peri, or Matt, or
Dan, or Maureen, or Prof. Alexander (can’t call him Tom yet; don’t
know him well enough) to think that I’m not smart enough. Quite
possibly they may think this already because I have taken so long in
my program. But all doubt would be dispelled, wouldn’t it, once I
failed my comps, or my topic defense?
So, my question becomes: How do I let go of my fear? I’m not sure
I have a good answer to that beyond doing the work, doing it the best
that I can (working with my committe) and then simply letting
the story of my doctorate play itself out. The script is in need of
rewrite, since I can’t actually engage the services of another lead
actor; I’m pretty much it.